Sunday, 30 October 2022

ExplainSpeaking | Lula pips Bolsonaro in Brazil but faces several economic challenges

 

Explained

 
 
 
 

 


Luiz Inacio 'Lula' da Silva celebrates with his wife Rosangela Silva, left, after defeating incumbent Jair Bolsonaro in a presidential run-off to become the Brazil's next president. (AP)

 

Dear Readers

 

In a closely fought election, Luiz Inácio “Lula" da Silva has beaten the incumbent far right-wing Jair Bolsonaro to become the next president of Brazil. 

 

The 77-year-old Lula is a former union leader who served as the president of Brazil for two consecutive terms between 2002 and 2010. 

 

Lula’s rule saw Brazil’s economy grow rapidly even as he used government revenues to launch several social welfare programmes such as Bolsa Familia, which was essentially about providing cash to poor families conditional upon their sending their kids to schools and getting them regular health checks. 

 

Despite enjoying almost 90% approval ratings at the time he left office in 2010 — US President Barack Obama once called him the most popular politician on earth — Lula and his handpicked successor in the Workers’ Party, Dilma Rousseff, were later embroiled in corruption cases. In time, Rousseff was impeached as president (2016) and Lula was jailed (2018). In 2019, Lula’s conviction was reversed, thus paving the way for him to fight for the top job once again. 

 

Sixty-seven-year-old Bolsonaro, belonging to the Liberal Party, won the presidency in 2018 while most of the left-wing leaders were discredited and the economy was reeling under the adverse impacts of the 2014 crash in the prices of commodities (such as agricultural produce as well as crude oil) via reduced exports. 

 

As far as candidates go, Lula and Bolsonaro could not have been more different. Lula is admired by his supporters for his humble origins and his policies that pulled millions out of poverty. Bolsonaro is a former army captain and champions traditional conservative and religious views. One of Bolsonaro’s key successes has been to reduce the burden of pensions by raising the retirement age. However, he is also accused of overseeing the largest destruction of the Amazon rainforests in recent years; Lula has promised to end the illegal cutting of the Amazon trees. Another critical factor that might have determined Bolsonaro’s fortunes is the impact of Covid; Brazil had one of the highest Covid deaths in the world.

 

Here are some of the key challenges facing the new president:

 

1) Faltering economy

 

According to the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Brazil was the 12th-largest economy in the world with a gross domestic product of $1.89 trillion (in current prices). Brazil is just below Italy and Iran and just above Korea and Australia.

 

As seen from charts 1 and 2 on GDP and GDP per capita (both in constant $ terms), Brazil’s economy had seen a rapid improvement during Lula’s tenure between 2002 and 2010. However, on both counts, Brazil has been heading in the wrong direction since then. Of course, there are several other factors involved apart from the political leadership but this remains the central challenge for the new president. 

 


Chart 1

 

Chart 2

 

Chart 3 on the GDP growth rate shows how Brazil has lost the growth momentum it enjoyed during Lula’s previous terms.

Chart 3

 

 

2) Worsening joblessness

 

While the unemployment rate (Chart 4) fell right through Lula’s previous tenures, it has risen during Bolsonaro’s term.

 

Chart 4

 

Even worse is that the unemployment rate (which is expressed as a percentage of the labour force) is rising while the labour force participation rate (Chart 5) is falling. In other words, the unemployment rate has been rising despite fewer people demanding jobs.

 


Chart 5

 

That is why the employment-to-population ratio (that is, the total number of employed people divided by the total population) has been falling (Chart 6). Again, during Lula’s past tenure, the employment rate had gone up. 

 


Chart 6

 

3) Rising inflation

 

Chart 7 shows how Lula brought down inflation from a high of over 14% to under 4%. However, inflation has been rising in the recent past, staying in the double-digit range for most of 2022.

 

Chart 7

 

4) Rising government debt

 

When Lula left, government debt to GDP was below 52% (Chart 8). But it has been rising sharply since. Higher debt to GDP reduces the government’s ability to use its revenues towards either building productive assets or helping the less fortunate.

 


Chart 8

 

5) Widening political differences

 

“Polarization in Brazil has become a major risk not only to the country’s democracy but also to its capacity to address its most urgent policy challenges,” according to a 2021 report by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

 

Brazil, which is the seventh-largest population in the world, has become increasingly polarised since Lula was in office last.

 

The key turning point occurred in 2013. “Massive protests across all major cities in 2013…Sparked by anger over economic issues such as bus and subway fare raises, the protests soon galvanized a broader anger over inadequate social services and then, over the next few years, systemic corruption across the political class including the ruling PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores or Workers’ Party). The PT succeeded in winning reelection in 2014 after an extraordinarily acrimonious contest that involve such systematic use of such vitriolic fake news campaigns and attacks that a post election return to normal was impossible,” states the Carnegie report.

 

“Rousseff’s weak, short-lived second term and the selection as her successor of her unpopular vice president Michel Temer, who also stood accused of corruption, reinforced many Brazilians’ deep skepticism about the political elites’ willingness to fix the system’s increasingly evident flaws, including massive corruption, chronically low economic growth, bad public services, and a public security crisis of unprecedented proportions,” finds the Carnegie report. 

 

As president, Bolsonaro has behaved in a manner that further worsened the differences between Brazilians. His unscientific approach towards Covid, his use of conspiracy theories and his “highly confrontational rhetoric—attacking mainstream politicians, the media, public health professionals” were some examples. 

 

What to expect?

 

The knife-edge results of the current presidential elections show how deeply divided Brazil is and one of Lula’s first jobs would be to find or even create a common ground. The level of political polarisation and radicalisation does have the capacity to threaten Brazil’s economic potential.

 

Apart from the political and social challenges of bringing together a radically polarised country, Lula would have to solve for high inflation, high unemployment, low growth and high government debt while still maintaining Brazil’s attractiveness to investors. 

 

In the past, despite being a left-wing leader, Lula was able to do it. Chart 9 tracks the performance of Brazil’s stock market (BOVESPA). The index had gone from under 2000 to well over 6000 between the years 2002 and 2010. By contrast, the stock markets have largely stagnated lately.

 

 

As such, while Lula is expected to possibly use the public sector more directly and provide relief to the poor, he is unlikely to do it in a manner that scares either the markets and investors — as witnessed in the Liz Truss episode in the UK — or Brazil’s central bank. 

 

 

Until next week,

Udit 

 

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The Gujarat showcase

 

 
 
 

Dear Express Reader

 

The Election Commission has yet to announce the dates, but the impending assembly election in Gujarat is already laying claim to more and more of our attention. In many ways, that is unsurprising. 

 

This was the stage that incubated and nurtured the phenomenon of Narendra Modi, as chief minister from 2001 to 2014. From here, he first started addressing the nation, making agile use of emerging technologies to widen his stage, create a national audience, and perform to it. In Gujarat 2002, a brutal communal violence that had raged under Modi's watch had shattered a country's complacency, that large-scale Hindu-Muslim riots were an affliction of the past.       

 

The moment of that 2002 violence in Gujarat, like the 1992 demolition of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya before it, became a defining motif of the BJP campaign ever since, in stated and then, more and more, unstated ways. The Modi-BJP, which, from 2014, rules India and a lengthening list of states, has added several layers to its repertoire of appeals. But if its political arc had to be pinned down to a location, given a distinct address, it would be apt to say that it took off from Gujarat.

 

In Gujarat, then, where this time the AAP could lend another edge to the long-running bi-polar contest, the question can be framed best: In 2022, and ahead of the bigger parliamentary battle in 2024, BJP versus Who? And: BJP versus What?  

 

The campaign is still to formally begin, but some indications are already in. Broadly, they point to a shift that has been taking place over time, one that seems more clear now: The non-BJP parties, which in the immediate aftermath of the Modi-BJP's electoral successes had pronounced secularism in danger, and relied, perhaps excessively, on civil society/activists to take their agenda forward, even outsourced it to them, have decided to step back, backtrack and to altogether evade the secular-communal theme. 

 

They appear to have made a decision - that to defeat the BJP, they will also have to take the fight to its "Hindu" vote, alongside their other gambits so far, be it cobbling an anti-BJP arithmetic/front (the Mahagathbandhan), or concentrating on local issues (as the Congress did in the last assembly election in Gujarat), or countering the BJP with the "regional pride" or "pro-women" platforms (Priyanka Gandhi's pointed appeal to UP's betis in the last election in that state was an example of the last). More significantly, they seem to have concluded, also, that they must appeal to the "Hindu" vote in ways that mimic the BJP.   

 

This decision of the non-BJP party is set in a context of its successive electoral defeats by a BJP that uses its vast agenda-setting power and formidable machine to lay a trap: You are with the Hindus or against them.

 

The non-BJP party's decision to sidestep the BJP trap by mimicking the BJP is illustrated, among other things, by the reticence of the Congress and AAP, in the run-up to the Gujarat election, on the early release of convicts in the Bilkis Bano gangrape and murder case - Rahul Gandhi put out only a perfunctory tweet and it is not yet clear whether his 'Bharat Jodo' Yatra carries forward the evasion and euphemism or breaks it. And the silence of both Congress and AAP on the public flogging of Muslim men by policemen after a Garba event in Kheda more recently.     

 

The AAP's reticence on the Bilkis case and Kheda floggings must be seen alongside its rhetorical plunge on other issues - it sought to blame Rohingya refugees and Bangladeshi immigrants for the communal violence in Northeast Delhi, and a few days ago, Arvind Kejriwal requested the PM to include pictures of the gods, Lakshmi and Ganesh, on currency notes, ostensibly for the sake of India's economic prosperity.        

 

In effect, what this means is that if there is any exhaustion of the BJP's project in a bastion like Gujarat, its recipient will be a BJP-like party. That is, the non-BJP party, be it the Congress or AAP, is no longer, if it ever was, staking the ground for a genuinely alternative politics. 

 

Of course, there is a large area of politics outside of the Hindu-Muslim question and cleavage. It could also be argued that by assuming such a stance on issues of the religious majority and minority, the Opposition party is not just denying the BJP a critical weapon but also freeing up valuable public-political space for those other issues. The AAP, in particular, has worked at a "Delhi model" for which it is also given credit - it focuses on a more locally-grounded bijli-paani-padhai-sehat solutionism. Kejriwal's party is engaging the Modi-BJP on the "revadi" debate, which involves questions of welfare and freebies.      

 

By all accounts, then, in Gujarat and elsewhere, the non-BJP parties are searching, still, for the most effective way to take on BJP dominance. It may be that a strategic silence/reticence/evasion on "minority" issues yields political-electoral dividends. But it is also true that the costs are adding up too - a pessimistic picture is being entrenched, of who is a "Hindu". And crucial possibilities are being surrendered - of imagining a politics that does not give in to that pessimism and is winnable too.

 

Till next week, 

Vandita

 

 
 
 
 
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